Professor Berber Bevernage: ‘A culture of remembrance is an attractive target for politicians who want to polarize’

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In the United States, President Trump recently demanded that more than 20 museums present a more positive picture of US history. If they do not, they risk losing their subsidies. In Russia, meanwhile, Stalin’s crimes are durably put into perspective. Here and there, new images of the former Soviet dictator even emerge. And finally, in Israel, the Netanyahu government is constantly reshaping history to erase the existence of Palestine.

The examples of autocratic leaders making a mockery of history for their own gain are numerous. In some countries, this calls into question the already fragile process of transitional justice. Berber Bevernage is professor of Historical Theory in the Department of History at the University of Ghent. He has an in-depth knowledge of transitional justice in Argentina, where the Milei government also wants to rewrite the past these days.

‘Transitional justice is the collective term for extralegal or ostensible judicial mechanisms designed to account for human rights violations committed by a previous regime, in situations where traditional criminal law does not suffice, or is even considered counterproductive, to make the transition to democracy successful’, Bevernage teaches.

Argentina, however, was a pioneer in this process. President Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) created the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons, CONADEP, there in 1983. By investigating and publicly reporting on the facts, those responsible and the victims of the military dictatorship (1976-1983), this truth commission not only provided crucial information for the criminal trial of a small group of junta leaders, but also laid the foundations for a broader culture of remembrance.

This culture of remembrance took shape in museums, cultural centres, memorial sites, formative materials and in a plethora of documentation. A lot of countries have since gone through such a process: South Africa after the abolition of apartheid, Cambodia, Rwanda, Brazil, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, Germany, Spain and Northern Ireland.

But never is this a guarantee that outrage at evil retains its power or that evil does not return in a new guise. Even if societies have agreed: ‘Never this again’.

In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, who glorified dictatorship, came to power. El Salvador got Nayib Bukele. In Italy, with Giorgia Meloni’s victory, the timidity of bringing a party with ties to Mussolini back to power fell away. In Germany, the far-right AfD struggled to be kept from power, although that party had received additional backing from Elon Musk. The far-right, which likes to joke about the horror of the Holocaust, was an honoured guest at a conference on fighting anti-Semitism in Jerusalem last week, a slap in the face to numerous Jewish organisations.

Fragile balance of power

What makes the work of truth commissions and the whole culture of remembrance so fragile?

Berber Bevernage: ‘Internationally, we notice a growing scepticism towards remembrance initiatives. The idea that moral remembrance, or moral remembering, can put up a dam against authoritarian leaders taking office seems to be waning. This vulnerability has partly to do with context. Transitional justice is often set up in circumstances where the balance of power is extremely fragile. This was certainly the case in Argentina. People there speak of the "civil-military dictatorship" because part of society supported the dictatorship. The military withdrew, but not without giving itself amnesty first.’

Argentine former president Raúl Alfonsín withdrew that amnesty, didn’t he?

Berber Bevernage: ‘Yes, but only after issuing two important laws. When the Punto Final law came into force in December 1986, prosecutions could no longer take place. With the Obediencia Debida law, soldiers who only carried out orders, especially juveniles, went free. Only senior officers were prosecuted.’

‘President Carlos Menem (1989-1999; ed.) again wiped the sponge over the convictions, but under the government of Nestor Kirchner (2003-2007; ed.) the process was fully resumed. This was done with broad support to the memorial bodies like the Mothers and Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, to human rights organisations and through the recognition of memorial sites.’

‘But even this full government support is delicate, because when such a process is too close to the ruling political power, the organisations involved become associated with it and the whole process can be dismissed as leftist.’

This article was translated from Dutch by kompreno, which provides high-quality, distraction-free journalism in five languages. Partner of the European Press Prize, kompreno curates top stories from 30+ sources across 15 European countries. Join here to support independent journalism.

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